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Last Update: Wednesday, May 13, 2026 11:08 [IST]
Introduction
Food, when studied
under the political lens transcends its existence from being just a commodity
for consumption to that of a significant and delicate tool for defining the
nature of politics and its agenda. As mentioned in the research article by Z. Tobias &J. M. Dieterle titled
“Identity and Food Choice: You Are What You Eat?” Food can be used to construct
and understand one’s own and others identities as well.
Interestingly, food
becomes a part of the cultural narratives of every individual because every
caste and community have their identified food items for their various rituals
and traditions. It is the sharing of such food items that radiates or is
perceived as a
“sign of affection or social connection” as discussed in the article byTobias
and Dieterle. An individual’s food
choice is indicative of one’s cultural belongingness and also about ‘who we
wish to be or at least appear to be.’ Food is seennot just as a part of the
social, economic and political conversation but also acts a as tool that
strikes conversations between people. Food as such propagates pro-social
attitude amongst people.
It is known that in
India, food habits are closely associated with caste, class, religion, and
regional identity, making food an important medium through which political
legitimacy and cultural dominance are negotiated. The relationship between food
and politics has become more significant and relevant in the context of
contemporary electoral democracies, where symbolic gestures like the political
representatives sharing food with a particular caste or class often serves as
instruments of political communication and outreach.
At present, the state
of West Bengal provides an important site for examining the political symbolism
of food. In Bengal, food is not simply associated with taste or consumption;
rather, it forms an integral component of regional identity and cultural
nationalism. The humble street snack jhalmuri—prepared with puffed rice,
mustard oil, onions, spices, and green chillies—has emerged as a potent
cultural signifier in Bengal’s political discourse. Political leaders consuming
jhalmuri in public spaces sought to communicate familiarity with Bengali
culture and establish symbolic proximity with ordinary citizens. The leader of
the BJP Shri Narendra Modi was also seen interacting and choosing to buy
jhalmuri form a local outlet in Jhargram Assembly Constituency, WestBengal.
Jhalmuri as mentioned above is not merely a snack but it is commonly
consumed and the puffed rice is an integral part of daily food diet of the
Bengali population.The Jhargram Assembly Consitutency had 12 candidates
contesting for the seat. Interestingly, BJP candidate Lakshmi Sau defeated
Trinamool candidate Mongal Saren with a little above 38000 votes and in the
same constituency during the 2021 elections, Birbaha Hansda (TMC candidate) had
also won the election with a little above 38000 votes against BJP candidate
Sukhamay Satpathy (Jahar).What a co-incidence!
Keeping other factors
aside, the “jhalmuri factor” may have exerted a significant emotional and
symbolic influence on the electorate in West Bengal. In this context, the act
of a senior political leader publicly engaging with a popular local snack
culture projected an image of humility, accessibility, and cultural
embeddedness, thereby facilitating a sense of identification with ordinary
citizens. Food, in this regard, can operate as a powerful instrument of
political and social assimilation. In the case of West Bengal, the seemingly
modest snack appears to have functioned as a subtle yet effective medium of
mass outreach.
Food as Political
Symbolism in West Bengal, India
The relationship
between food and social hierarchy has been theorized by the French sociologist
Pierre Bourdieu in his concept of cultural capital. According to
Bourdieu, taste is socially produced and functions as a mechanism of
distinction through which dominant groups reproduce their status and authority.
The food consumption patterns are not random choices based on one’s mood or
cravings instead they are socially conditioned practices that reinforce class
divisions and symbolic powerthat shapes perceptions, meanings, values, and
social norms which influences peoples thought processes and behaviour without
the use of direct force or coercion.
Within the Indian
context, food has historically been shaped by caste hierarchies and notions of
ritual purity and pollution. Certain forms of food consumption have been
associated with upper-caste, while the food practices of marginalized
communities tend to be stigmatized. It is also commonly observed that the urban
middle-class have been drawn more towards cosmopolitan and international
cuisineswhereas indigenous and rural food cultures are not much preferred.
Within such a realm, comes ahead the small yet effective gesture of BJP leader
Shri Narendra Modi showcasing his humble food preference over extravagant cuisines.
This act reached out to the people of
Jhargram and other parts of West Bengal.A commentary published in The
Telegraph in April 2026 observed that when political leaders consume jhalmuri,
they attempt to convey the message: “I belong here.”
With the changing
trends in Indian politics, the political leaders have begun to recognise the
reality that it is not through fear and coercion that the support of the people
can be won during elections. The political candidates and leaders are seen
involving in showcasing gestures and acts that radiate social solidarity and
inclusivity. Infact, in recent years, the Bharatiya Janata Party as an outreach
mechanism has encouraged party leaders to share food in the households of the
marginalized communities. Similarly, the Indian National Congress also have
been seen as visiting Dalit homes where communal dining was presented as an act
of social inclusion. Such gestures are aimed at convincing the aam jantathat,
the particular political party upholds the values and principles of equality
and social inclusion.
In Westbengal, food in
generaloften finds itself at the centre stage within the discourse of regional
identity.The political significance of food in Bengal intensified during the political
contestations between the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC/TMC) and the BJP. The electoral scenario in West Bengal was
based majorly on the issue of identity. The TMC leader Ms. Mamata Banerjee
proclaimed that if BJP came out as the majority part in Westbengal, there is
bound to be some implications on the food culture, language, cultural practices
in the state. She indicated that there would be restrictions on fish, meat and
egg consumption. On one side, BJP was attempting to expand its political
presence in the state, TMC on the other hand was propagating the
insider-outsider debate, wherein the BJP leaders were being tagged asbohiragoto
(outsider) lacking organic roots in Bengali society. In response, the BJP
political leaders strategically adopted measures like- fish procession, eating
fish in public, delivering speeches in Bengali language, making references to
Bengali iconic personalities like Rabindranath Tagore, Bose. Such symbolic
gestures are designed to establish emotional closeness with Bengali voters and defying
the insider-outsider narratives.
The slogan “Khela
Hobe” (“The Game Is On”), which gained prominence during the 2021 West
Bengal Assembly elections, further reflected the convergence of politics,
culture, and popular expression. The slogan symbolized resistance against
perceived external political domination and reinforced authentic Bengali
identity. Within this framework, food and language became a crucial toolto
embody regional authenticity.
Winds of Change in
West Bengal: End of a Legacy and the Dawn of a New Era
The political face of
TMC and West Bengal for the past 15 years has been Ms. Mamata Banerjee, who
personified herself with the authentic Bengali identity. She would adornmodest white
cotton saree and communicate majorly in Bengali language. She has been
popularly addressed to as “Didi” meaning elder sister. However, such a
grassroot image of Ms. Banerjee failed to reach out to the voters of West
Bengal in the 2026 general elections.
Ms. Banerjee founded
the All India Trinamool Congress in 1998 after separating from the Congress
Party. In the 2011 Assembly elections, she defeated the 34-year-long Left Front
government led by the Communist Party of India (Marxist). This electoral
victory represented not merely a change in government but also a transformation
in Bengal’s political culture. It cannot be denied that under her leadership,
the TMC secured overwhelming victories in the 2016 and 2021 Assembly elections,
enhancing her reputation in Indian politics.
An interesting pattern
in West Bengal politics is that, Suvendu Adhikari was earlier a top leader of
the TMC and also a member of the Cabinet under TMC in the year 2016. However,
later in December 2020, Adhikari resigned TMC and joined BJP and in the year
2021 he contested from Nandigram constituency against Ms. Banerjee. The former
won the election, which was a major setback for TMC as Nandigram was the
constituency that shaped and paved the way for Ms. Banerjee as a political
leader while she was protesting against the then ruling government’s land
acquisition policy in the year 2007.So, the electoral defeat of Ms. Banerjee in
Nandigram was an indication of the undercurrents in West Bengal which may be
was not considered too serious.In the 2026 election, Suvendu Adhikari won for
third time from the same constituency (Nandigram), which is a big blow to Ms.
Banerjee’s political party that claimed itself to be the party representing and
upholding the true identity of Bengali population.
In the current
political context, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has emerged as the dominant
political force in West Bengal, securing 207 out of 294 seats in the 2026
Legislative Assembly elections. Following the swearing-in ceremony held on 9
May 2026 at the Brigade Parade Ground, Suvendu Adhikari assumed office as the
Chief Minister, succeeding Mamata Banerjee.
This political
transition is expected to usher in significant administrative and policy
changes within the state governance framework. The new government is
anticipated to introduce a range of policy reforms and strategic interventions
that may substantially alter the existing administrative structure and
operational mechanisms in West Bengal. Consequently, the evolving governance
model over the next five years will provide critical insights into the
priorities, intentions, and effectiveness of the newly elected administration.
The long-term
political and socio-economic implications of these developments will become
more evident over time, particularly in relation to public perception and governance
outcomes. Ultimately, the electoral verdict in the 2031 Assembly elections will
serve as a decisive indicator of people’s opinions about the new government.
Conclusion
The politics
surrounding jhalmuri in West Bengal highlights the broader connection
between food, identity, and political expression in contemporary India. Food
functions not only as a marker of cultural identity but also as a tool for
electoral outreach and symbolic politics. When political leaders publicly
consume local food, these acts often serve to communicate a sense of regional
belonging. In Bengal, the political use of jhalmuri demonstrates how
everyday cultural practices can acquire deeper political meanings during
political contestations.
The importance of such
performances lies not simply in the act of eating itself, but in the social and
political messages these acts convey. Whether these symbolic gestures lead to
meaningful social change or is it merely a political gimmick? In order to be able to coherently answer
this, the evolving political landscape of West Bengal is to be closely observed
and analyzed.
(Views are personal.
Email: chunkubhutia1988@gmail.com)
